It would seem that this author's declaration that Maumoon's opponents were full of 'hot air' could not encompass Ibra. Having reviewed his manifesto and stance on policies, this author apologizes for a mistake which has undermined Ibra's obvious intellectual lead over his opponents.

Any Maldivian vying for positive change would find nothing less in Ibra's manifesto and policy statements. It is a crime that Ibra has received the least accolade in the run-up to the elections. If any candidate deserves to win on the merits of good research and sound planning it must be Ibra.

Every Maldivian is getting their house repainted and dinnerware renewed in anticipation of celebrating a post-Maumoon era. Just the hope itself is enough to will the electoral balance in favour of his opponents. There is only one problem: all his opponents are too ill-equipped to take the reigns.

The candidate most vaunted by NUA (National Unity Alliance) has proven that he not only lacks integrity (first Maumoon, now the people?), but is also a bumbling buffoon when it comes to economic concerns. What he has presented as his "financing plan" (lets hope he does not take down this link out of shame) is so far removed from what was expected that the economists are still deciding on whether to keel over with laughter or shoot themselves in the head.

The policy intended for kickstarting an economy that has been ground to a halt under the weight of Maldives' most recent battle for democracy is summed up in two pages of hilariously unpalatable numbers and downright stupid labels. Hassan's 'plan' starts with a line that reads 'Saving from government expenditure'. If we ignore the literal meaning implied from the obvious lack of literary insight and consider what the author may have painstakingly tried to convey (deduced from the context of current affairs of state and the document's content), the statement describes not a revenue but a reduction in expenditure. How can a reduction in expenditure of a fiscal year be injected into the budget of the same year. Even if such savings are made, would they not be brought forward into the accounts of the following year? Hence, is Hassan implying that the Rf. 1,111.5 million of savings made on expenditure will be brought forward into his budget from that of Maumoon's administration (perhaps Dr. Shaheed knows something the public does not)?

Next Hassan makes a curiously interesting statement about 'sales of assets'. Aside from confusing the reader Hassan manages to undervalue the assets which will be at his disposal (assuming he becomes the president). The half-billion returns stated in Hassan's plan could be made just from the sale of shares held by the government in Dhiraagu alone. It would be prudent for the scrutinizers to question Hassan's intentions given such blatant undervaluation.

The returns on rentals Hassan implies is another enigma. At the moment, the Maldivian government makes well over USD 40 million a year from the rental of resort properties alone. How these returns tapered down to merely Rf. 39.7 in Hassan's plan can only be a mistake (an unforgivable given that a country's future is at stake) or deliberate propaganda.

Then there is a revenue source that reads 'Restructuring of taxes including corporate tax'. One is left wondering what taxes need restructuring, given that Maldives is not used to any form of tax scheme (only duties, fees and levies). Concurrently, Hassan proves his arrogance by believing that the public will buy into a tax 'scheme' summed up (or 'detailed', depending on what Hassan's mindset is) in a single statement. The Maldivian public will need to know who is being taxed, at what rates and for what reasons before Hassan gets the seal of approval.

Even more incriminating than the revenue sources are the proposed budgetary expenses. All the proposed expenses labeled 'Inrease in wages' is the first curiosity. Once again, Hassan assumes that the public will interpret these figures with a very optimistic outlook. That these increases in wages occur with minimal (or even negative) growth in the number of public servants along with a lack of inflation. How else can Hassan expect these budgetary provisions to contribute to a noticeable increase in individual salaries?

Some of Hassan's expenses convey his lack of prioritization, such as with his promise of 'Computers for all practicing teachers'. He seems adamant about appeasing teachers with this promise. There is a reason for this too. Teachers are the individuals in our society who are respected, even if silently. So when they say Hassan's the right bloke for the job more people will believe them. If these teachers are truly smart they will see through this poor attempt at bribery. They would obviously know that there are more important needs, such as ensuring that the children they teach each day are well-nourished, have the financial backing to buy books, etc. Rf. 77.1 million can go a long way in aiding children attain these needs.

The budgetary items for investments in tourism/trade are farcical too. What sort of seaport can be built from a meagre Rf. 500 million (for his 5-year term)? The shipping industry operates on very stringent standards and certifications, which demand a certain level of infrastructure. Shipping lines that matter will never compromise into docking at berths like the one at Male' Atoll Fonadhoo. If this is Hassan's idea of development then NUA itself was no more than a congregation of looney tunes for trying to nominate him the alliance candidate.

The only other economic development programs Hassan could conjure are investing in fisheries and agriculture. If Hassan is intent on specifying itemized budgets for industrial classifications then he should include all possible avenues of development. In fact, instead of declaring budgets make commitments on how the money is going to be used. For example, commitments such as doubling the average individual salary of government employees by the end of 2010.

Hassan needs to learn how this whole I-wanna-be-president thing works before running for the the post. As metaphorical advice goes, one needs to crawl before walking. The only presidential candidate who is making strides is Maumoon, given that his commitments address almost all existing public angst (and no other candidate even comes close). It would seem that all the bragging done by his opponents about knowing how to run the country better was all hot air.

Maumoon's opponents may have hoped that the desire for change alone would win over constituencies. This may yet prove to be true. However, there are many Maldivians who have taken a moment to think about the future awaiting their family and friends through the choices made on the 8th of this month. The people may be unwilling to place this future in the hands of a coward or insipid deadhead.

Hassan's original 'financing plan', posted on his campaign website on 4th October, can also be downloaded by clicking on this sentence.

With a new constitution beckoning reform and revision of former concepts the Maldives is back to exploiting religious avenues for political gain. It seems that every time the public cries out for religious freedom and secularism a vizier emerges to convince current and potential politicians of the need for coveting theological politics.

Part of the change the Maldivian public expects to arise from the enactment of the new constitution is the elimination of religiose politics. Why? Simply because Maldives does not have a religious institution with unbiased and accredited scholars recognized by the educated majority. This author himself does not recognize a religious authority of such a calibre as to formulate well-researched proclamations backed by the necessary documentation, although some individual persons may exhibit such standards.

Given this lack of institutionalization and the lack of foresight to begin the process, why are the government and its opposition so quick to make theological debates the foundation of political decision-making? In this author's belief the reasons are the very same which dictated the methods of the incumbent government over the last 30 years. That is, to coax the public into acceptance through the use of the greatest weapon of fear: Islam.

In the face of Islamic proclamations the people utter naught in protest against the government for fear of enraging God. This makes for a much more powerful (and cheaper by a million magnitudes) control mechanism than the fear of terrorism. This is how the government has managed to veil the vanguard of corruption (remember the slogan 'be content with what you have'?). This is how the government justified torture (physical and psychological) and injustice. From the looks of current events, it would seem that this will also be the mantra of future governments.

Dear reader, consider what you would want? Would you want Islam being continually used as a means of oppression?

When a traveller asks for a specimen of Maldivian musical artistry his/her local guide will often produce a copy of Zero Degree Atoll's Dhoni Album. It is usually not a copyrighted CD/cassette/MP3s purchased from the publisher or one of its authorized dealer. In all likelihood the CD/cassette/MP3s will be a pirated item(s). The benevolent traveller, who demonstrates an interest in safeguarding the artist's rights, may decline the item but can hardly take further steps to inform the respective authorities. How can they, given that such authorities cannot be clearly identified (or do they even exist?).

In an investment climate statement published in 2006, the US Department of State establishes that 'Maldives lacks specific legislation to protect intellectual property rights and has not signed on to international agreements and conventions.' Without legislative implementations the facade of copyrights protection can be likened to a bikini-clad woman wearing a purdah.

The lack of such legal avenues have seen many an organization and individual deterred from publishing their materials for off-the-shelf purchase. Instead, musicians prefer gigs over CDs, software developers prefer one-off projects over packaged goods, motion picture producers prefer TV shows over movies and so on. When intellectual products are not published publicly there is no proving ground for the accession of the producers. It is only through prolific introduction of a class of products that the respective producers are classified as an industry.

At a time when political pundits are criticizing the method of governance in Maldives it is surprising that none have questioned the lack of industrial reform. The frameworks demanding decentralization, public transport infrastructures, housing plans and cottage industries, have grossly neglected intellectual property rights; the foundation of all potential economic welfare.

Perhaps these pundits and social leaders themselves have the same scavenging mentality as the rest of the pirates. Perhaps they too will pirate new software releases (remember Faseyha Thaana?), music publications or movies for the sake of monetary returns or personal savings. Or perhaps some of them already have investments in pirating businesses.

Whatever the case is, the current 'industrial' climate in Maldives prevents pioneers from prospering through intellectual investments. In addition to hampering indigenous intellects, international investors are dissuaded from establishing comprehensive services in the country. How could it no be so given that such products as the whole Microsoft Office suite (whatever the edition) can be purchased for no more than USD 2.00 (per DVD). A copy of some of the most expensive software products, such as 3D Studio Max, go for the same price. The cost of production is no more than the cost of the DVD/CD.

Movie pirating is even more lucrative. Numerous vendors around the capital of Maldives sell DVDs at about USD 4.00 a pop. Movie piracy is so commonplace that despite having a censorship act these shops sell uncensored DVDs in premises that are registered with the Ministry of Trade. What's more, I have personally seen numerous ministers purchasing items from these shops.

Whilst the world of music is battling for the appeasement of consumers and vendors without violating the rights of artists, the Maldives pays homage solely to vendors. Many a shop sells DVDs filled with all the artists one might wish to listen to throughout the course of a whole year for generally no more than USD 4.00. The local artists are even worse off unless they have mutual affiliations with political figures.

Ministers' kids visiting their mates with pirated copies of the latest Harry Potter movie is routine. The employees of a government department swapping photocopies of a Harvard Business Review is unremarkable. Sharing a folder-full of pirated movies to a whole resort is just so banal.

The Maldives needs to understand that piracy can lead to the demise of domestic intellectual products and subsequently to the lack of industrial development. Unless legal measures are devised and the necessary regulatory bodies established, the people capable of developing such products will gradually migrate to more fruitful economies.

Minivan News journalist Olivia Lang should retract the article 'DRP Campaign Admits Using State Funds' if the claim is based on the the DRP-issued statement 'certain rights the president of Maldives receives and his rights as commander-in-chief.' Consequently, Emily Reed should retire from professional (questionable) journalism for defending Olivia Lang.

Olivia Lang contorts the DRP statement to a point where the casual reader would actually believe that the incumbent President of Maldives is not entitled to the rights of his office. Ms. Lang cleverly draws the inference that the DRP statement implies additional privileges being endowed upon the president for use in the elections. This inference is clearly an incorrect one. All that the statement implies is that as long as the President of Maldives (whoever that maybe) holds his/her office, he/she will be accorded the necessary instruments for conducting his/her affairs. If endowment of such instruments were deemed as misappropriation of national resources then any remedial will leave the country with an ineffectual presidency from now till election's end.

In Emily Reed's article Olivia Lang is quoted as having said, in her defence, 'I stand by the accuracy of my article and condemn any party that makes a personal attack against journalists whilst also claiming to uphold free speech.' Free speech amongst the masses includes all forms of gripe and gossip. Journalists distinguish themselves by becoming the bearers of accurate, unbiased information (ie. not drawing conclusions based on whim). Journalists do not base their judgments on purposefully distorted inferences from clearly straightforward statements.

The Emily Reed article also published a statement made by the site's editor, Judith Evans. Ms. Evans demanded that 'If the Maumoon 2008 campaign wishes to clarify the situation regarding funding, it should publish its accounts.' What is interesting is that by making this statement Ms. Evans is making her (and indeed her charges') intentions incessantly clear. That is, Olivia Lang originally wrote her article in the hopes of pressuring DRP into publishing their financial accounts. When DRP made a statement to this effect, Emily Reed is now defending Olivia Lang in the hopes of demonizing the former.

What is most surprising is that the existence of an agenda ('interests') within the Minivan News team has been established. The agenda is being promoted (insofar) by three foreign journalists (after all, Maldives Law will not endorse names like Olivia Lang, Emily Reed and Judith Evans). Finally, this author is an indigenous Maldivian who clearly disputes Olivia Lang and her interpretations. Thus, DRP's claim that 'There is a band, a gang, indeed a tribe of foreigners who would like this country managed in a manner more beneficial to them, than to the interests of Maldivians' is no more than a literal statement of fact.

Read this article and you will know what I meant by 'change for the sake of change' in my last post.

Simon is willing to hand the reigns of Maldives to any old joker as long as it is not Maumoon. He blames all the corruption and injustice on one man. If it were not for people like his father (and their cohorts) Maumoon would not have been allowed to reap undue benefits. As it stands, Maumoon has benefited from corruption only as much as the rest of the country's leading capitalists (including people like Qasim, ADK Nashid, Simon's dad, etc). Maumoon has benefited from injustice no more than people like Umar Naseer (who's mandate of brutality whilst serving the NSS certainly did not demand breaking people's backbones).

The time for blame-placing has passed. We all know that Maumoon's willing followers (current as well as former) are no less to blame than Maumoon himself for the government's corruption and injustice. Let us now focus on the change than the reprimanding. Now is the time to assess the propositions made by all the proponents of change and determine which is the best.

Years into this pretentious reform 'movement', the Maldives has yet to score big on real change. Sure there is a new constitution. There is a purported multiparty political system. Yet, nothing has changed.

The amendment of the old constitution was inevitable given that Maumoon would want his exit to be marked by a great political success. He will forever be known as the president who gave Maldives a party system and a brand new constitution to boot whether anyone likes it or not. He will forever be written in the books of history as the purveyor of democracy in Maldives.

The party system itself is just for namesakes. It is through that the system helps potential political figures to rise up through the party ranks into the top two offices. Thereafter the parties are simply ineffectual. The parties do not serve in constituting a greater oversight body (such as the senate in the US, which is responsible for separating the judicial concerns from the constitutional concerns) which acts as a check-and-balance against the government. The party system is not even involved in the constitution of the parliament (and this is compounded by the parliament's indirect involvement in the composition of the judiciary). All this aside, the parties are doing nothing to apply pressure on existing governments to make changes.

Pressure is not all about demonstrating on the roads under banners and invisible clouds of hatred. Demonstrations are only tools for asserting predetermined theses. Why theses you ask?

Has any party published a study of the financial situation in Maldives in terms of inflation, income, expenditure and loss/corruption? Sure, we hear the term 'corruption' being tossed around like so many tuna from the richest schools out their in the oceans of Maldives. However, has anyone quantified this term? Has anyone embarked on a study to determine the level of corruption and the possible prevention mechanisms? Furthermore, has anyone published any such studies?

With regards to the economy, the research of the purported think-tanks of Maldives yielded such money-guzzling, corruption-inducing plans as creating ever-widening infrastructure. Anni with his transportation infrastructure, Hassan Saeed with his decentralizing infrastructure and Umar Naseer with his residential infrastructure. All these plans will only consume money that we do not have, resulting in ever-increasing debt.

The proposed societal development schemes fare no better. Every politician is hell-bent on gaining more support by promising freebies. Free education, free medical care and free recreational infrastructure. All these promises will only result in further borrowings, allowing capitalists to reserve their pounds of flesh.

It seems that the philosophy of borrowing for development has been imbued in all Maldivians. Why else would these so-called leftist parties be adopting such congruent principles as those of the government when it comes to development? Why have political discourse at all?!

Borrowing can be lessened only through streamlining expenses and working towards a break-even. This means delving into the budgets and determining wastage first. For instance, do you ever wonder why each ministry deploys a whole barrage of computers and internetworking equipment in their offices each year? This is not because the existing ones are obsolete. It is because they have become tech-junkies combined with the procurement officers' desires for continuous commissions. Why else would each department purchase more equipment a year on average than competitive service providers like Dhiraagu?

As for financing development, if these leftist parties are truly concerned about Maldives they would empower the citizens with the country's financial concerns. The simple means for this is a taxation system. At least then the people will truly gain the ownership of various disputes.

Taxing is also the simple means of solving housing problems too. A rental tax graded across rent bands (lower rents having lower taxes and prorating upwards) will help maintain lower rents and prevent realty values from sky-rocketing.

Taxing will also be the ideal route to a quick resolution to the current housing problems. If a land rent were charged in Male', people would be less willing to own land there. Thus, the value of land in Male' would be less likely to continue escalating (of course, I do not have the exact projections to determine the type of taxation or grading). Furthermore, if land taxes in places like Addu, Haa Alif, etc were considerably lower than Male', that land there would obviously be more attractive to new families. Taxation would also help leverage basic infrastructure development such as schools and hospitals (which addresses your doubts about people living in Addu or Haa Alif on grounds of the lack of infrastructure).

Finally, no one has substantially published on reducing income polarities. Everyone knows about the earnings of the few hugely outweighing the earnings of the many. However, no one has truly stated the numbers, and no one is willing to study the possible alternatives to these income polarities.

Why these studies are not conducted, or if conducted not published is the failure of the leftist parties. It is not enough to simply lay blame on the government and idle by. When I queried one of the leaders of these leftist parties he excused his inaction as being a strategy to prevent the government from adopting their plans to enact preemptive change. This can only be interpreted as the leaderships' desires for returns on their political investments. It would seem that their philosophies are not all that different from those of the present government's. These people are only out to attain benefits from their politics: not to empower the people.

What I want as a voter is a change in the leftist philosophies. If these leftist parties are too concerned about gaining power I will simply vote for Maumoon. Especially given that the rest of the leaderships are rife with incompetents. I do not want change for the sake of change. I want change that reflects a sustained improvement in the conditions of life in Maldives. Prove that and I will reconsider.